Wednesday 31 July 2013

Merchant of Venice Part 6

Dramatis Personae  Continued


Shylock

Shylock, the Jew of Venice, has become the outstanding character in the play—in fact, almost from its first performance the comedy came to be known as his rather than Antonio’s, the real merchant of Venice.  He is certainly the most complex and intriguing figure in the comedy. It is important to keep in mind that Shylock is an Italian Jew, that is, he is not like most modern stereotypes of Jew who are Ashkenazi—Yiddish-speakers from Central and Eastern Europe, the lands of Ashkenaz.  Nor is he a Sephardic Jew from Spain or Portugal who speaks Ladino or Judeo-Español.  Nor is he a North African or Yemenite Jew who speaks Arabic.  Italian Jews were much more involved in their host cultures, sometimes as musicians and dancing masters, sometimes as silk-growers and merchants or viticulturalists, and rarely as money-lenders.  Money-lending in Italy was as much an activity of Lombards and Genoans as Jews, and the stereotype of the Jewish money-lender is a particularly nasty anti-Semitic libel.  It is therefore only very reluctantly that Shylock agrees to help Antonio and Bassanio by lending money, and perhaps too why he is unconcerned with charging interest.  But Shylock is also a type from the English stage, and thus needs to be contrasted with his closest cousin Christopher Marlow’s Jew of Malta (1589/1590)

 Shylock is often confused with that cousin, the ridiculous Barabas.  Why? Because from one angle, Shakespeare’s character can be seen as an unadulterated villain, motivated by hatred of Christians and driven by an in eradicable Jewish love of money; because he is unmerciful towards Antonio in the matter of the pound of flesh, he deserves no mercy from Christian Venice and is justly punished by confiscation of his wealth and forced conversion to Christianity.  It is very likely that Shakespeare wanted his audiences to start off thinking the Jew in his play was like Barabas, the devilish Jew, in the other play.  Marlow’s Jew, however, is a grotesque caricature, very much a masked reveler on the streets who prances about like all the other clowns, and whose actions are shaped by a long tradition of anti-Jewish stereotypes, satire and theological hatred.  From what Shylock describes as the treatment shown to him by Antonio, it would seem the merchant regards Shylock in those very simplistic terms, and this is also how the Jew imagines he and his fellows are perceived by most Venetians. 

In a sense then, both for the audience and the players in The Merchant of Venice, what is happening in this theatrical experience is at once a reflection of carnival in Venice—one that might be seen in a raree or puppet show—and one of those so-called problem comedies where Shakespeare darkens the lens to bring out more serious themes and circumstances, and above all develops persons with many dimensions of personality behind their superficial masks and with psychological and historical depth. 

In other words, it is not completely wrong for modern audiences, taking their cue from contemporary producers, directors and actors, as well as critics, to be appalled by what seems like an anti-Semitic play, but no one should stop at this point.  This is where the drama really begins, and this is where the comedy develops, from the point where disgust and horror at the horror of a character demanding his pound of flesh begins to be revealed as something else.  Nor is it all wrong to have feelings of sympathy for Shylock the stage villain when he reminds the spectators in the theatre that he is a man like all other men. Again the stirrings of such sentimentality should not be allowed to stand as a mere softening of the mockery and satire of the Jews: because Shylock is a serious trickster indeed… but how subversive is he, whether to the Catholic citizens of Venice, whether to the Protestant audience sitting in late Elizabethan London, or whether to the Jews then and now?

From another angle, Shylock is the victim of the play, at worst a foolish old man driven mad by the betrayal of his daughter Jessica.  This other perspective shines through the lens of the speech Shylock makes about his common humanity and shared feelings of insult by other Jews when  confronted by prejudice.  There is also a sting at the end of this speech because the Jew does not speak of turning the other cheek, showing forgiveness to those who transgress his basic human rights, or seeking some kind of reconcilement or understanding.  As the long monologue makes clear as the probable route the plot of the comedy will take, treated with contempt by Antonio and others in Venice, Shylock will grasp the unexpected opportunity to hurt the man who spat on him and the others who connived to make his daughter elope with Lorenzo, stealing his wealth and pouring scorn on her father and his religion.  His villainy therefore is at first seemingly understandable, if not excusable, and perhaps he is the only villain in all of Shakespeare who has some reason to be cruel.  In order to see how the wit of the revenge mooted by Shylock articulates itself not straightforwardly as an inevitable consequence of the violence shown by Antonio—to take advantage of the merchant’s vulnerability, gullibility and misperception of the world: Antonio is willing to borrow more money than he can safely risk out of his love for a friend, a love, as we shall see further, tainted by its criminal collusion in tricking Portia out of her independence and heritage; blinded by his hatred of all Jews and by his self-righteousness, the merchant is easily duped by Shylock’s slick words and humble posturing;  an d he is unable to reflect on his own melancholic state as a lens through which he might more accurately measure the realities around him, more than just in the mutability of meteorological conditions or in the vagaries of politics, but in the contradictions, hypocrisies and limitations of Christian legalism and idealism. 

From still another angle we can see something quite different in Shylock.  What is familiar becomes unhinged from the expectations of the festival stereotypes, just as it does from the political concerns of Christendom as it feels itself being pulled apart by seismic forces of Reformation, threatened externally by a powerful Islamic caliphate still surging towards the West, undermined by new discoveries of New Worlds filled with nations and cultures never before conceived of, by new dimensions of reality above exposed by telescopes and beneath normal perceptions by microscopes, and by changes to the philosophies of Europe that find outside of medieval Christian hegemony unsettling notions of equality, tolerance and social mobility.  This change of the familiar into the disturbing and the confusing is called by Freud the unheimlich, the uncanny.

There is thus something uncanny in this comedy.  From the beginning, when Antonio annoucnes that he is sad but neither he nor his friends can determine the cause for this sense of discomfort, this lack of fit, this loss of security in the mind and in the world.  The unheimlich then spreads out to other places on the stage.  When Bassanio accosts Shylock on behalf of Antonio about lending money to the merchant, Shylock is reluctant; and when Antonio himself asks for the loan without making the least conciliatory move to apologize for the way he has treated the Jew in the street, Shylock not only unexpectedly agrees to help the merchant out—as he need not necessarily do, and would be understandably forgiven for refusing on account of the harsh things Antonio continues to say: but unaccountably Shylock agrees to the deal without demanding any interest at all, adding only somewhat hesitantly a whimsical condition—the repayment of a pound of flesh in case of default of cash. 

In other words, in spite of all the contempt shown to him, Shylock does a good deed—a merciful act: to lend money without interest to help someone he doesn’t particularly like out of a bad spot and in order to enable Bassanio to pursue his wooing of Portia.  None of the Christians who party to this arrangement question Shylock’s motives or seek to interpret them in any way, since they see him as a complete other and accept his momentary weakness, as it seems to them, as some special favor of Providence.  They actually know nothing about the money-lender, the Jews in the Ghetto, or the depths and complexities of Talmudic Judaism as a religion.

In this moment of striking the bargain, there is no reason for anyone to expect that Antonio will default on his repayment of the loan, or that the condition of the pound of flesh is anything but a whimsy, a witty flourish to show how little Shylock cares about money or revenge.  All the hints of natural, supernatural and psychological complexities pass the Christians by: their social and moral superiority is unquestioned.  They also feel protected by the laws of Venice and its government and judiciary.  For them all, Jews are a minor, sometimes necessary, irritant in the body politic, but have no part to play in the course of history.  Everything changes, though, when Shylock demands the pound of flesh, even when Antonio’s friends and Portia are willing to put up three or four times the amount of money necessary.  At that point, too, the Jew does not operate strictly in terms of greed.  What has happened?

Some Jewish Speculations

Florence Amit suggested that Shylock is not a professional money-lender at all, but only an occasional one, and that rather he is a scholar or teacher in the community.[1] Could his name, when written in Hebrew sh-l-ch שּﬥﬤ   be related to the word shaliach meaning an emissary, a representative, and agent of the Jewish community? At the time when the play opens, he has found out he is differing from a terminal illness.  This knowledge, on the one hand, creates a crisis in terms of his domestic and professional life; and on the other, provides an opportunity for him to act against the State without having to face middle or long term consequences.  Because of his impending demise, he is concerned to ensure the safety and well-being of his daughter Jessica, and that means finding her a suitable husband, someone whom he can trust to care for her and to oversee the jewels and other wealth he will bestow on her before his goods are subject to various taxes, fines and duties.  Shylock believes he can best provide for her by removing his wealth from the jurisdiction of the Venetian Republic and from the local version of the Inquisition which would confiscate all or most of his wealth upon his demise or at least upon report of his dealings with Crypto-Jews in the city and beyond its boundaries in Turkish land across the Aegean.  Amit’s reading also suggests that this worthy husband-to-be is a recently arrived Marrano, someone who knows how to act cautiously and cunningly to hide his true intentions from the Doge’s Council and the Church, but who has a sense of ethics and morality in regard to the Jewish community and its members.  Antonio’s eagerness to secure a loan from a money-lender and his record of bigotry against the Jews makes him a good candidate to be played with in order to set this plot in motion. 

While Florence Amit’s essays on these questions may seem a bit over the top to academic critics because they presume too much of a sympathy for the Jews in the play and require an overly-ingenious interpretation of the comedy based on multi-lingual puns and complicated, abstruse allusions to biblical, midrashic and kabbalistic writings, the general principles do stand up and are confirmed by more conventional readings of the various plot-threads Shakespeare has woven together from diverse Renaissance and earlier sources.  In other words, we need not force The Merchant of Venice into a Procrustean Bed as a secret Jewish drama.  Sufficient use of rabbinical wit and Jewish secular jokes can be added to the main directions of the play outlined in earlier sections of this essay, above all Christian hypocrisy, Venice’s excessive pride in its ability to negotiate between legalism and commercial expediency, and foolish posturing about love and friendship.  These other jokes belong to the same satirical tradition as seen in Robert Burton’s Anatomy of Melancholy (1621), wherein half- and slightly off-centered quotations and allusions point towards deeper Christian and Humanist ideals than the commonplace fudging and self-delusion operate. 





[1] Florence Amit, Three Caskets of Interpretation (AuthorHouse, 2012) available as a kindle book from amazon.com.  Although I never met her in person, I had the honor of publishing many of Mrs Amit’s essays in the journal Mentalities/Mentalités over ten years  and also to have corresponded with her first by regular post and then by email.  More an artist than a scholar, she was always sensitive to the text, enthusiastic about seeing the Jewish themes and images in Shakespeare, and willing to take on the academics whenever possible.  It was always exciting to read her latest work and to enter into fruitful debates.  May her memory be for a blessing.


Tuesday 30 July 2013

Merchant of Venice Part 5


NB  For those who have been keeping a record of this essay in many parts, there was an error recently.  I sent out two versions of the same section on the Scenes/Settings of the play.  I have now removed the unwanted section and renumbered the corrected, expanded version as Part 4.


The Dramatis Personae

Let us look at some of the key characters in Shakespeare’s comedy from this same triple perspective of the three caskets...  Among the men are Antonio, Bassanio and Shylock, and among the women Portia, Nerissa and Jessica.  Their names hint at some of the qualities they seem to represent and hide other aspects of their character and function in the play that are not evident at first glance, but the names are not allegorical personifications of their full meaning or social activity in the drama.   We will then look at some of the minor characters and how they function in the play.

The Major Characters


Antonio

Antonio is the merchant of Venice in the comedy’s title.  He is a member of the ruling elite and therefore a rich and influential man, but not an insider, that is, a native Venetian.  He begins the play expressing his sadness, a melancholia that his friends can’t seem to understand, some thinking it is due to worries about his commercial risks and others to love-sickness: but Antonio, with his pure Italian name, denies all these reasons and seems to enjoy his brooding sadness for its own sake.  He seems to be in love with his friend Bassanio,[1] not just in the sense of liking him very much, but also in a perhaps more intimate way;[2] in all events, Antonio is prepared to risk everything on helping his friend find a rich wife, and this includes dealing with a Jewish money-lender, a person he has reviled and spat upon.  He ios clearly over-confident, too trusting in his own financial security, and unable or unwilling to see the fickleness of the weather and indeed the mutable structures of the universe and history.[3]  When his several overseas ventures seem to fail and Shylock insists on the whimsical terms of the bond being executed literally, Antonio seems resigned to his fate, especially because he relishes the romantic idea of sacrificing his life for the sake of love—love of Bassanio.[4]  In the trial scene and elsewhere, many people condemn the Jew for engaging in a dirty and demonic enterprise of charging interest in order to increase his wealth, but nobody seems to see anything wrong in Antonio’s commercial ventures[5]—nor in his need to borrow from a Jew, since none of his friends are forthcoming with offers to give or back his loan to Antonio.[6] Later Antonio joins the young Venetians in their nuptial revelry in Belmont, and yet seems subdued during their celebrations of apparent triumph over Shylock.  He never actually moves out of his melancholy or sadness, except when expressing his hatred of the Jew.  If he speaks the truth, it is a questionable version of the truth, since it is marked by his visceral hatred for Shylock or dubious love for his young friends.  Rather than any Christian mercy in his dealings with others, there is only the exaggerated display of passion, whether hatred or love. 

Bassanio

Bassanio himself is a young, sprightly, ambitious Venetian.[7]  He seems to radiate around him, at least among the Christians, a sense of his own worth, and to attract to himself an intense and almost blind loyalty of love both from Portia, who he is wooing, and also from Antonio.[8]  For not the first time, when seeking to find a wealthy woman to marry and thus advance his social-climbing in Venetian society, Bassanio appeals to Antonio; and goes to woo Portia and play the game of the caskets under the pretence of being in love with her, and also of being a rich aristocrat who is not interested in her titles, money, or estates.  He has little compunction about taking money from a friend who is an awkward position and will have to borrow through a Jewish money-lender, and no shame as he presents himself under false pretensions to Portia and plays on her obvious attraction to him.  That he has a name that sounds very much like that of a family of Italian-Jewish musicians who came to London in the time of Henry VIII—and from which group seems to have come Emilia Bassano, the so-called Dark[9] Lady of Shakespeare’s sonnets[10]—may suggest that he is one of those New Christians—former Jews whose ancestors were forced to convert to Catholicism in sixteenth-century Spain or Portugal—who wheedle and parley their way into Christian society and adapt its culture of arrogance and egotism.


NOTES

[1] Interestingly, while Antonio expresses his love for Bassanio many times, Bassanio never reciprocates.  This is one of the key points made in Christopher A. Colmo, “Law and Love in Shakespeare’s The Merchant of VeniceOklahoma City University Law Review 26:1 (2001) 307.  It is all part of the string of jokes that underlie the whole of the play, wherein expectations are not met and awareness is proved faulty.  We will have to examine the three kinds of knowledge recognized in ancient paradigms: the revealed wisdom of oracles, prophets and inspiration that is too often turned into dead dogma and imposed and/or internalized as common sense, or opinion; the formal logic of rational systems, that is too often accepted on the grounds of institutionalized tradition and the precedent of judicial codes; and wit and craft and other modes of mētis, that allows for duplicity, temporizing and other ironies and indirection, and therefore open to moral abuse—or hypocrisy—but necessary for those out of power by a failure of physical or social strength.  Metis also requires forethought, patience and above all cunning.

[2] Though not necessarily a homosexual way.

[3] See the famous “Cantoes on Mutabilitie” in Sir Philip Sydney’s Faërie Quene.  In sixteenth-century English, Mutability refers to the way in which all things in the created universe are subject to the wayward turns of Fortune’s Wheel, at least in superficial appearance; since from the divine perspective God’s Providence rules everything.  Above all, as readers of Shakespeare’s love sonnets knows, it is human passion which is mutable, though the poet wants to assert the steadfastness of his love based on the eternal lines of verse he creates. 

[4] There are so many levels of irony in this construction that we shall have to discuss them later in various places.  As a foolish, reckless man, Antonio thus easily becomes caught in his own contradictions, and an easy prey to Shylock’s wit.  But Shylock, too, may be an over-reacher, unprepared for the duplicity of Portia’s role as outside legal expert, and thus for unexpected twists and turns; or, as we shall see, perhaps not.

[5] What is later to be known as “venture capitalism.”  After Adam Smith’s analysis in The Wealth of Nations capitalists assume “the invisible hand” of the market-place—cumulative self-interest—will correct the faults and pout everything back into balance on a level playing field.  All of Venice is based on this commercial trust in the eventual success of their economic, political and social fate, provided they treat everyone equitably under the law.  Everyone, it would seem, except the Jews.

[6] Belle Neuwirth, “The Problem of Shylock,” American Studies Prize Essay: Research, Palo Verde: The Arizona State University West Literary Magazine 9:1 (May 2001) online at http://www.west. asu.edu/ paloverde/Paloverde1001/shylock.

[7] His name suggests various qualities about him, that he has a base/bass character, that he is an ass partly hidden by the other letters in his name,  and that he is inane, empty of true virtues.

[8] They are all classical alazons, boasters: persons who believe themselves to be smarter, more beautiful and more influential than they really are; as opposed to the eirons, pretenders, those who seem to be fated to failure and dependency, but actually present themselves as less than they are in order to catch the alazons out by pulling the rug ouyt from under their excessive self-confidence.  The alazon and the eiron are two central types to ancient comedy, but also examples for Aristotle in The Nichomachian Ethics of people who live at either extreme of “the golden mean”.

[9] Dark has several senses in the late Tudor period: it means (a)  having black hair and/or complexion as opposed to “fair”,  as well as (b) being mysterious, intricate and curious (bizarre, strange, complicated); and hence Shakespeare’s secret lover is both, that is,, raven-haired and  dark-eyed woman and a Sephardic Jewess.

[10] David Lasocki with Roger Prior, The Bassanos: Venetian Musicians and Instrument Makers in England, 1531-1665 (1995).  See also the discussions in my Crypto-Judaism, Madness, and the Female Quixote: Charlotte Lennox as Marrana in Mid-Eighteenth-Century England.  Lewiston, NY, Queenston, Ontario, and Lampeter, UK: Edwin Mellen Press, 2004.   I would like to thank Ms  Germaine Greer for pointing this out to me originally and later sending pertinent references.

Merchant of Venice: Part 4


Settings of the Play


On Shakespeare’s stage without formal sets and few props, how does one know where action takes place.  Aristocratic and Christian Venice, ambiguous and devious Belmont or the mysterious Jewish and Crypto-Jewish Ghetto.  Characters must identify places when they arrive and those settings may disappear and shift elsewhere as the actors walk off stage.  The scene announced to the audience may also be two or more places sequentially, alternatively or simultaneously or, when a character withdraws into a monologue, nowhere at all, the nowhere of a timeless, geographically blank interior of the mind.  It is also always a public theatre in contemporary Elizabethan London but metaphorically representing Venice in some vague but perhaps not too distant past. 

Venice

Though the historical situation at the end of the sixteenth century was such that the glory days of Venice were over and much of its great imperial ambitions had faded into decadence, in this play, when viewed from an English perspective, Venice is a glittering city of riches, to be sure, but also of friendship, loyalty, and law; it is a golden ideal, or so it appears.[1]  Venice is also a city of carnival, masquerade, and deception.[2]  The Carnival of Venice is a time of revelry, masks, and secret intrigue: below the gaudy colours and raucous music lurks hypocrisy, ruthless ambition, and greed.[3]  Shylock knows that carnival time is dangerous for Jews and it is best that, while he is away having dinner with Antonio and Bassanio, his motherless daughter keep the doors and windows locked.  Little does he suspect—or at least, little does he want anyone watching and listening to him to suspect that he knows—that Jessica is planning to escape from his house dressed as a boy to be torchbearer to the young men in Lorenzo’s gang and that she will steal a casket of his wealth and elope to marry a Christian and herself convert from Judaism. But everyone wears masks in this festival, and no one can be sure of who or what they are during the games that are played.

Also at home in the city of canals is the Commedia dell’arte, with its stereotypical characters and events, hides the private machinations of scheming politicians, businessmen and lovers.  One must suspect as well that Shylock has his own plots and counter-plots.  We shall come back to them in a while.  Because of its dark and smelly canals, the city glides through the imagination of the play unmentioned but its odors—physical and moral—remind us it is there.  For there is another side to the bright, witty and optimistic side to the Baroque world in this make-believe Venice; there is the melancholy, darker side that opens the play, where Antonio, the merchant of Venice, moons about without being to decide the cause—his friends assume he is worried about his business ventures or that he is in love—but he rejects all their suggestions.  He is sad because he is sad.  As Ruderman puts it concerning this intricate, conceited world:

Beyond the glitter and ornamentation of this earthly existence…lies a darker and more introspective side to the baroque mentality: a disillusionment with human achievement, a pessimistic mood of withdrawal, of disenchantment and brooding anxiety, a concerted effort to escape in order to deflect one’s gaze from the vicissitudes of earthly existence.[4]

Moreover, though he seems a good and generous friend to his aristocratic associates and promises far more than he can properly offer to help them achieve their goals of love and riches, he is a bigot, a resentful fool who miscalculates both his friends and his adversaries.

In this sense, Venice is not quite the golden, glittering city of the Renaissance. Rather it is the place where Jews are at best a tolerated minority, necessary but despised for their role in commerce and banking.  For many of its Jews have been and may still be conversos or New Christians from Iberia, even one or two generations away from their origins, Crypto-Jews hiding their true identities, and Marranos never sure of what they should believe or how they should appear to others.  As with the Golden Casket, Venice is deceptive in its appearance; and all that glitters is not gold, not real gold anyway.  As Como puts it:

Like the leads casket, the play itself is ugly on the outside but, perhaps, beautiful on the inside.  In this, the casket and play reflect what is best and worst in the imaginary society that is Venice on the outside and Belmont on the inside.[5]

The modification I make to this paradigm is that there is another kind of inside, the Ghetto actually in Venice, whereas Belmont is another form of outside

When the original audiences at the Globe saw The Merchant of Venice, for them Venice was at once many places: it was a representation of the Republic of Saint Mark in their own day, as well as some centuries earlier, and thus they would see a version of a Renaissance Italian city; it was also a familiar version of the London they knew from personal experience where men and women they could recognize spoke, acted and confronted the forces of fate.  What it was not, though, was the Venice of Romantic ideals, the palaces, squares and canals of John Ruskin and later of Marcel Proust or Thomas Mann.  It was nonetheless something else as well: a dream world of comic actions, near tragic disasters, and strange mythical events.


Belmont

A short ferry ride away, across from the Lido, perhaps on the other side of the Aegean Sea, is Belmont, the Fair Mountain or Elevated Look-Out Place, the rural estate of Portia where there are many scenes of love, where the Casket Contest takes place, and where all the supposedly loyal and beautiful lovers retire in the last act, is bathed in silvery moonlight and with the soft, soothing sounds of erotic music. It is second to or distorted refraction of the glittering golden city, a hazy reflection in private, domestic, and romantic matters of the city’s political, commercial, legal and masculine ideals.  But it is also a place outside the jurisdiction of the Venetian civil and ecclesiastical authorities, the Senate and the Inquisition, and set within the territory of the Turks and under Islamic law.

However, Belmont is also where the Venetians go to hide from the law and the commerce of the city, in a pretend rural paradise, bathed in the silvery beams of moonlight—all romantic poetry and music.  Here is where Lorenzo takes Jessica to transform her into a Christian bride.  Like the Silver Casket, though, this poetic vision is flawed, although, from a comic perspective, those foibles can be laughed away, or at least so it seems: the problems of hypocrisy and deceit leave a nasty after-taste. 

There is a real Belmonte, however.[6]  It is in Portugal, near the mountainous border with Spain, “high in the Sierra da Estrela”. and here even to our own day there remain Crypto-Jews who hid to escape the persecutions of the Inquisition and the discrimination of the laws of purity of blood.  Many Marranos from Portugal—and all Jews were forced to convert suddenly on one day in Portugal in 1496—escaped to Italy and settled in Venice.   As Steven Plaut explains,

The Jews of Belmonte had lived as secret Jews, not for a month or two but for five whole centuries.  For half a millennium they had hidden their identity from curious eyes and busybodies, keeping traditions quietly alive, passing down from generation to generation the prayers whose Hebrew they could no longer read or understand.

If Shakespeare had an inkling of the historical Iberian place when he named the rural estate of Portia Belmont, the implications are terribly ironic.  This is where the young Christians come to celebrate their triumph over Shylock, both in the law court and in the elopement of Jessica.  Anyone hiding their Jewish identity here would truly be a Crypto-Jew or a Marrano.  And perhaps in the strange magic of the place, as in the play where lead hides gold and gold hides lead, the silver moonlit Belmont hides something that is neither one thing nor another.

The Ghetto

In 1555 a papal bull called Cum Nimis Absurdum forced Jews to live in filthy ghettoes, set apart from the rest of humanity because of the absurdity of the Hebrew religion.[7]  Another bull, Hebreorum Gens, virtually denied Jews the right to live as all other people could, where and with whom they wanted, to work at any job they wished and had a talent for, and directed them to be persecuted as much as possible.[8] This is the Ghetto where Shylock lives along with his fellow Jews in the play.[9]  To the Christians, it seems a leaden place: dark, heavy, mysterious, ominous and dangerous place, and Jessica keeps saying she can’t wait to leave it.  Though today the word “ghetto” has become a generic term for an inner-city slum, usually with a minority population that feel discriminated against, the word has a historical specificity that pertains only to the area in Venice set aside for the Jewish population.[10] While Jews could leave the Ghetto during the day, they had to return to their little closed world at night, and it was locked tight.  During the day Christians could walk through the Jewish quarter and conduct business, but they were forbidden to be there at night.  There were also restrictions on movement in and out during specific Christian holidays. 

The Ghetto was established in response to papal decree that mandated increased social separation of Christians and Jews.  It would be an absurd world if the two peoples lived together—did business amicably or married for love.  The Ghetto in Venice was the first of many in Italy, and only much later in other parts of Europe. From the outside, the life of the Jews appears to be vicious, malicious, puritanically strict and ascetic.  For their own reasons Jews have always tried to live close to one another—the Sabbath rules, the needs of special dietary taboos, and the functioning of an autonomous legal system—but what the Ghetto added was exclusion and humiliation, and the sense that Jews were an inferior, untrustworthy people. At the same time, however, for those who lived in the Ghetto, it was not a dark and gloomy prison.  Instead, inside the buildings, unseen by Christian eyes, there was a vibrant Jewish life, and that life included music, art, and intense learning, both in traditional rabbinical books and in the new philosophies and sciences of the Renaissance. So perhaps in Shakespeare’s Merchant of Venice, just maybe, as with the caskets, the Ghetto is some dreamy vision of a place where true beauty of character and spirit resides.  One needs only look inside at the synagogues remaining in the Venetian Ghetto to see how they shine and glitter, with a beauty that is all for the sake of Heaven, and to honour the Law displayed in the ark and to be read out for all to hear and learn. 

That Jewish reality within would be shocking to the official Christian sensibioity, and it would upset all the expectations of Shakespeare’s audience,[11] as it would the refined Venetian ladies and gentlemen of the play were they to become aware of it.  The logic of the Lead Casket leads us to the shocking secrets: (a) that though Jews had a monopoly on money-lending, there were also other bankers and loan-sharks in the city, and not all Jews took part in the trade of usury; (b) rather, most Jews were more involved in the arts and culture of the city, such as music and dance, as well as jewellery-making and metal-crafts, along with the new silk industry.  From this perspective, the Christians in Venice seem to be hypocrites, self-deluded fools, and idol-worshippers—their idols being mercy, love and honour, or at least what they mean by these terms.

But the Ghetto was, at rthe same time as it would dark despised otherness which could weigh heavily on the hearts and souls of those who were forced to live within it and feel threatened by the daily insults from great men such as Antonio and from the officers of the Inquisition—with their informers and familiars—it was nonetheless a place of Jewish dreams and visions, and of rabbinical and kabbalistic knowledge, as well as a meeting place of Jews from different communities and traditions in Europe and around the Mediterranean world, the Levant and deeper into the Orient.[12]  How much Shakespeare could have known of these currents and counter-currents cannot be proved with great exactitude, so that at best we can be alert and sensitive to hints, suggestions and distant echoes of debates from the other side of the wall.





[1] This is not the city celebrated by the great writers of the nineteenth century, like John Ruskin in his The Stones of Venice, but smacks of the decadence and subversive forces at work in Proust’s visit described in A la recherché de temps perdu and inThomas Mann’s Death in Venice.

[2] But also see Bronwen Wilson, The World in Venice: Print, the City and Early Modern Identity (Toronto, Buffalo and Londn: University of Toronto Press, 2005).

[3] Carnival (carni + vale Farewell to Flesh) celebrates the end of the festive season of plenty and the season of fasting, Lent, before the arrival of Easter, and the Passion and resurrection of Jesus Christ.  It is, in other words, a final fling of carnal licentiousness and a ecstatic joy trying to push away the sense of impending dearth and grief.

[4] David B. Ruderman, “Introduction”to Yagel,  A Heavenly Vision,  p.  67.

[5] Como, pp. 315-316.

[6] See for instance Steven Plaut, “The Secret of Belmonte”, ChronWatch (11 October 2003) online at http://www.chronwatch.com/featured/contentDisplay.asp?aid=4663&mode=print.

[7] Ruderman, “Introduction” p. 3.

[8] Cited in Rabbi David Goldstein, “Letter to Mel Gibson,” dated Yom Kippur 5763, 6 October 2003.

[9] For Shakespeare, the absurdity of the Jews is not just a given in Christian icjon0graphy and religious drama, but a source of a further series of absurdities: those of the Christian society which fails to see itself in the same light, thus making the whole world not just a stage—that is, a theatre of the absurd.

[10] Mario Zilio, ”Venezia minore: il Ghetto Ebraico” online at http://nauticlub11.com/Htm-hn-art?HN-I-1e2-ghettoebraico.

[11] Abraham ben Hananiah Yagel, A Valley of Vision: The Heavenly Journey of Abraham ben Haniniah Yagel, trans. and ed. David B. Ruderman (Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1990).

[12] Ruderman says that Yagel shows in his  Gei Hizzayon (A Valley of Vision) “that he was fully aware of popular emblematic handbooks of his day and clearly knowledgeable in the art of devising symbolic images” (“Introduction” p. 50).  Hence, Italian Jews were as capable as Shakespeare of imaging the symbolic worlds of the Italian Renaissance.  For further discussion on these emblem books, see Ruderman, “Introduction,” p. 51-54.  But for the Jewish understanding and construction of these formal Baroque conceits—poetry, images and mottoes.,” see pp.55-56.

Monday 29 July 2013

Apothegms for 2013 No.; 1


Certain messages that I compose on the electronic screen disappear before they can be saved, or even before I can put in the final, telling word.  Perhaps they should not be written at all.  But who can help thinking them?

I have forgotten the reason why we quarreled many years ago.  But I cannot abide their faces or their memories.  If they came into my sight, they would blacken my thoughts.  I will not slander them in public, however much they keep me from peaceful dreams.

As slush is to snow, so unfulfilled hopes are to old age.

Finally, someone chopped away the sharp stiff branches that scraped my arms every time I passed.  It is a relief, though I have no reason to walk on that path.

A sickly old hedgehog creeps through our yard, partaking of the crumbs and grain we throw out for the birds.  This creature has no quills.  His color is ghastly grey.  From now on I will toss extra food on to the grass.
Schlegel, Hegel—are they philosophers or descriptions of the weather and does it matter?

The blackbirds in the garden are sensitive and full of scruples.  They fly away as soon as someone passes by the window.  They will not eat their scarps of food unless the sparrows and the other small birds have checked it out.  I used to be like that with new ideas.  Now I am always unhappy with the crumbs.

Gardens framed by mist, uncomfortable in winter, yet somehow shelter the sun.  The long walk by the river, with the noise of big trucks rumbling by, our simulacrum of nature.  When summer comes, dry and angular beams to blind us, we dream back to the absence of places to rest.  All this, like broken rainbows scattered between the clouds and the almost orange margin of the sun.  We cannot command the weather we inherit.

I once thought there were too many penguins on the lawn and advised caution when walking through the grass.  But, as I said, there can never be too many of them.  Now I wonder if they were not Antarctic birds at all but rather pumpkins in disguise.  In that case, there would never be enough.  

Sunday 28 July 2013

Merchant of Venice: Part 3



Continuing on with our developing argument that the comedy in Shakespeare’s play is based on the exposure of bigotry, moral confusion and cultural misunderstandings, we find that this witty and ironic stratagem is best expressed not least in the reversal of the usual standards whereby Christian characters trump their Jewish rivals, romantic lovers fail to achieve the ideals they think they are expressing in their words and gestures, and the whole pretensions of European civilization as complete and triumphant proves inadequate to the opening up of new dimensions of reality in science, philosophy and ethical consciousness.[1]





The Courtroom Scene

Though the courtroom scene is the most complex and famous in the play, where it is presumed that Shylock’s strict legalist attempt to pursue his bond for a pound of flesh is set against the allies of Antonio seeking the virtue of mercy from the Jew and the court, as W. Moelwyn Merchant points out,[2] “The whole legal structure of the play…is fallacious.”  In particular, Merchant argues, “No system of law permits a man to place his own person in jeopardy….Moreover,” he adds, “Portia discovers a statute of no obscure import which would, from then proposal of such a bond, have rendered its terms invalid.”  In fact, it is strange that such a minor case of a forfeit loan comes to the attention of the Duke at all.  But then, of course, Shakespeare’s play is not realistic, and the courtroom scene plays itself in a different space than real history, and needs to be viewed in different terms.[3]  How much of the comedy is symbolic fantasy and how much rests on certain merely fanciful distortions of either the English system of law, Venetian regulations and processes, and Jewish customs and laws set out in rabbinic documents?  We do not go to Shakespeare for historical facts about the kings of England, any more than we seek geographical facts from the man who gave Bohemia seacoast. 

The Elizabethan stage does not represent a realistic map of time and space, but provides a symbolic surface upon which actors speak and move in relation to one another.  As neoclassical scholars complained, such a stage—whether in the popular theatres like the Rose or the Globe, or in smaller private productions for the Inns of Court, where lawyers, civil servants and their associates congregated, or special performances for the queen herself—did no observe the three unities of time, place, and action: that is, that the length of performance should approximate the time it takes for the action of the drama to happen, just as the area of the stage should be close to the places where the characters do their deeds, and that the play should focus on one main action.  Shakespeare does not follow these rules.  His stage is multiple, simultaneous, and emblematic: that is, the surface put on view to the audience may contain more than one place, even at one time, and move in and out of a chronological sequence of hours, days, months or years—and even sometimes be nowhere and no time at all.  Shakespeare’s plays do not have a single central plot, with occasional digressions to minor subplots, but weave together several different actions, at various levels of purported realism—more than just serious scenes alternating with comic interludes; there are expositions of related themes at various levels of society, different age and professional groups, and various contingent degrees of closure and significance.  Thus the several plots in The Merchant of Venice—and the scenes in which they are articulated—together weave a kind of tapestry of figurative and literal characters and events.[4] 

For that reason, we have to look at the play as something other than a dramatized modern novel or a stage version of a contemporary film, but rather as an Elizabethan conceit: a conceit is an elaborate, complex rhetorical figure, partly realistic, partly fantastic, partly symbolic, partly exemplary, and so on.[5]  Each of the several plots in The Merchant of Venice is interlaced with the others, and if you pay attention you will see how specific themes, images, attitudes, and ironic tensions cross over between these scenes.  Do not imagine a performance where a curtain falls and rises between these scenes, with furniture and backdrops indicating different times and places.[6]  Remember that the popular Elizabethan stage, with its proscenium arch and raised balcony at the rear, was virtually bare, and that characters walked on and off the stage to change the scene, or from one side of the stage to another to indicate a new place and a new time.  These changes could also include simultaneous action.  For instance, the Casket scenes in Belmont not only interweave with the development of two other plots—the arrangement of a loan for Antonio from Shylock and Lorenzo’s conspiracy to elope with Jessica—but all three sequences of action occur at the same time.  The comical interlude with Launcelot  Gobbo and his father is not a relaxation for the players or the audience, but a new way to see the characters, themes, and actions in the rest of the play.

Thus, coming back to the courtroom scene, the editor of the 1968 Penguin version is correct to say: “The structure of the fourth Act assumes a relationship between Shylock and Antonio which, described in legal terms, is grotesque in its complexity…”  It is also better to look closely at the whole scene, if not the whole play as grotesque, or as Elizabethans would more likely say “antic”.   Grotesque means something mixing categories of thought, styles, genres, levels of reality and kinds of action in a bizarre and unexpected way.  The word “grotesque” was used when a series of ancient grottos were discovered in Rome, with sunken gardens and elaborate illustrations of men, plant-life and animals, as well as gods sometimes, all mixed up and metamorphosing into one another.  The older English term “antic” is no more than “antique” and referred to something quite similar, though perhaps with more of the notions of playfulness, madness and carnival subversion about it. 

In the courtroom scene, too, Shylock seems to be pressing for a judgment that would force Antonio to pay in a pound of flesh what he could not repay in cash, even after the merchant’s friends offer to pay the total back many times over.  Dressed as a young male lawyer, Portia, serving as Antonio’s defence attorney, argues for two things virtually at once: first, a show of mercy by Shylock and by the court, and in a speech that seems to confuse two meanings of mercy, one as leniency and forgiveness, the other as charity and love, in each case mercy read as a Christian concept set up against law—and not just against rabbinical (Talmudic) Law which is presumed to be unjust and cruel, but also Venetian Christian law which needs to be equitable and fair to the various nationalities who trade with the Serene Republic.  The other argument is that the Duke in his capacity as judge of the court should interpret the law strictly and literally, forcing Shylock to be guilty of seeking to shed Christian blood—and so turned into the criminal who deserves punishment. 

Cross-dressed as a man, Portia violates more than just decorum and propriety or takes advantage of the formality of the courtroom to plead her case, but she breaks essential laws that restrict women’s place in public life—and, of course, breaks canon law against cross-dressing.  Everything she says, therefore, whether true or not, lacks validity in law.  Shylock himself, pleading in a Christian court,[7] is always marked as the outsider, the Jew, and though he has restricted rights of trading in the city, cannot presume on the life of a Christian citizen.  It is likely, too, that realizing his precarious position in law and his awkward social role, is playing up to Christian prejudices: acting—and perhaps dressing—in the stereotypical image of the Jewish demon expected by anti-Semites like Antonio. 

By pressing the point, and it is contrary to rabbinical law to shed blood or to put a Christian into an embarrassing, shameful position because that puts the whole Jewish community at risk, Shylock is trying to do at least one of two things.  For one thing, he may be attempting to frighten and shame Antonio and his friends into asking forgiveness from Shylock, not from the financial bond, for which the Jew states he has no interest, but from the constant mockery in the streets, and more particularly now from the collusion in stealing his daughter and his wealth.[8]  For another, and this is more speculative, as Florence Amit suggests, Shylock may be seeking a way to get the bulk of his wealth out of the city and into the hands of Jessica and her new husband Lorenzo.  . 

If there has not been a plot against the plot, so that Lorenzo is a Crypto-Jew who seeks to escape from Venice with his new bride in order to live more freely—and come out as a Jew in a tolerant place—then at least for Shylock to show his mercy, forgiveness and love to his daughter and the children she will eventually have.  The late Mrs Amit based her suggestion on a number of hints in the play, such as Shylock’s claim to be very ill—so that he will die soon, and his money and property would be forfeit to the state in all events, once Jessica has eloped; that he therefore does not care about any forced conversion—although this is part of the fantasy that a commercial court could require a litigant who loses his case to take baptism, or that any court in Venice, including the Inquisition, could enforce such a sentence. 





[1] From, now on, unless otherwise stated, for scholarly purposes I will be using the new Oxford Edition, especially William Shakespeare. The Complete Works: Original-Spelling Edition, eds., Stanley Wells and Gary Taylor (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1986). “The Merchant of Venice” pp. 479-508; and William Shakespeare, A Textual Companion, eds. Stanley Wells and Gary Taylor, with John Jowett and William Montgomery (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1987).  “The Merchant of Venice,” pp. 323-328.

[2] Merchant, “Introduction”, Penguin edition, p. 22.

[3] Shakespeare has put together a number of sources, some Italian, some French, and others from a more general Latin tradition., the main influences discussed briefly in the new Oxford edition of the play (see Note 1).  More importantly for our own reading of the play, as it runs out in the various sections posted here, the playwright used two main ways of shaping his own take on the comedy: in the first place,  as it becomes a regular feature of satire in the 17th and 18th centuries, the hypocrisy and weakness of Christian society is compared to the intensity and sincerity of faith in Turkish lands; while here in MoV Shakespeare contrasts the purported sophistication and idealism of the Venetian elite to the sneakiness, lust and ignorance of their words and actions.  In the second place, from his familiarity with the Jewish—both practicing and covert—groups he met in London, not least his mistress the so-called Dark Lady, Shakespeare can play with rabbinical traditions, something further enhanced by the increasing number of Talmudic works available in Latin translations produced for Protestant communities on the Continent and in England.

[4] To some degree, of course, Shakespeare crates dramas to fit the conventions of the large theatres in London, such as the Globe and the Swan (which could have several thousand spectators in attendance for afternoon performances), whose roots lie in popular entertainments of the late medieval period; it should not be forgotten that most of what we call “medieval” drama in England derives from the late fifteenth century and carries on straight through to the early seventeenth century, thus simultaneous with the beginnings of renaissance conventions.  Indeed, the Italian renaissance was already over by the time this movement began to arrive in London and to influence courtly and urban cultures, and also collided with reformation habits of mind, perception and social behavior.  Only a few of Shakespeare’s plays were written for either the court itself and so resemble the elaborate masques that became standard under James I, and fewer for the private theatres in the City, with their much smaller audiences (perhaps 150-200 persons at most), use of artificial lighting, and expectations of intellectually up-to-date patrons.  A few of the playwright’s dramas were performed in two or three of these venues and thus exist in various formats, some of very short duration (an hour and a half), other much longer (up to four or five hours).

[5] The conceit or conception is related to the ingenious wit of Italy and Spain in the late Renaissance or Baroque period.  John Donne’s “metaphysical conceit” (a term invented by Dr Johnson in the mid-eighteenth century as a disparagement of Donne and most of the late Elizabethans) is one kind.  Complicated, witty and visually full of puns, the conceit works at many levels simultaneously; a kind of rebus, trompe l’œil, riddle and reflexive analysis—and not too far off the mark from midrashic exegesis either.

[6] This kind of enclosed stage with representational scenery and acting styles comes mostly after the Restoration, although some aspects of it were evident in the private manorial productions during the Puritan Commonwealth.  Much of the new audiences after the return of Charles II from the Continent consisted of men and women who had grown up outside of England and were more familiar with French and Italian drama.  They had difficulty relating to Shakespeare’s plays, causing many of the texts to be rewritten to remove the free-flowing style, the mixed genres, and the multiple plots. Only in the nineteenth century was Shakespeare revived in formats we would recognize.  As we will show in this long essay, much that belongs to popular understanding of the play and especially to the character of Shylock belongs to a stage tradition quite at odds with Elizabethan ideas and production, let alone with the subtleties of Shakespeare himself.

[7] In another section, we shall discuss the difference between not just canon law and the civil law of the Venetian Republic, but the Inquisition which had its own version in Venice.  These different versions of legality have to be seen as metaphors for the kind of English law familiar to Shakespeare and his audience, common law based on precedent and local custom.

[8] Shylock justifies his plans by explicit allusion to the tricks played by Jacob against Laban to gain his wife; and thus brings into question natural law—not just the magic of making a ewe look at various tinted sticks to promote the birth of various shades of lambs but what we might call genetic modification, in order to utilize the laws of heredity Mendel discovered in the nineteenth century, and God’s laws that actually determine the color of the lambs born.