Thursday 26 September 2013

Aphra Behn, Part 4


Frightful Vision

What is significant about this lengthy account of the narrator’s visit to the Indian village finally is the spectacle of the warriors challenging and taunting each other.  This shocking emblem becomes a horrible and frightful vision, the sight of self-inflicted bodily mutilation.  Both the fractured bodies and the process by which these self-inflicted wounds are made shocks the young narrator, her party and, she rightly assumes in a shift of perspective, her readers in London—and beyond in time and space to ourselves.  However, while modern readers (you and I) are certainly disgusted by these bloody rituals performed by the Indians, several factors require that we put our own feelings to the side for a moment while we consider the explicit and implicit contexts for this spectacle. 

To begin with, it must be recalled that in both Protestant and Catholic Europe, torture and abuse of both the living and dead bodies were common; and physical punishments were conducted in public as deterrents to further crimes, as well as being indicative of a kind of visualization of the consequences of the misdeed itself.  Tony Stroobant consolidates several sources to present a striking overview of the terrible visions available through personal witness, sensationalist pamphlets, and monitory sermonizing

The punitive dismemberment of Henry Garnet, Superior of the Jesuit Order in England, for his alleged involvement in the Roman Catholic “Gunpowder Plot” of 1605—he was hanged, castrated, had his tongue cut out, was beheaded, disemboweled and quartered—was no mere medieval gore-fest; each of those actions was imbued with a particular significance associated with the different parts of his body…On another plane entirely, a French literary fashion of the period was the “anatomical blazon”…lyric poems in praise of (sometimes disparaging), not the person, but her (usually her) body parts (hair, hands, breasts, feet, etc.)….this “tropic disfiguration” articulated conditions of bodily, social and syntactic dislocation typical of subjectivity in the social and political world of early modern Europe…[i]

Thus such articulated conditions belong as much to the public and conscious spheres of early modern life projected into Aphra Behn’s narrative and especially on to the person of its heroic Royal Slave, as they do to the private and unconscious realms of experience that this book, among many other things, embodies as a myth or public dream—a deeply troubled inner vision of a frightened female, an abandoned and abused child, and a sensitive soul in an insensitive civilization.  At this level of unconsciousness, where primary structures of personality are precariously balanced against the inside and outside world, the hidden psychic or social “alters”[ii] reach out and stimulate responses beneath the radar screen of language with the incomplete and anxiety-stressed alters of the audience.  The original English audiences of Behn’s Oronooko in the last quarter of the seventeenth century would have felt some discomfort and yet also experienced  a fascinated sympathy for the exotic creations of her pen—handsome African slaves, savage South American Indians, weak, nearly-orphaned young European females, idealistic but powerless young men in colonial service—and been shocked by the gruesome details of the lives they see and experience in Surinam.

Yet our own moral shock is different qualitatively and quantitatively from that of seventeenth-century persons for several additional reasons:

(a) corporal punishment and public anatomies were part of the culture, as evidenced in accounts of drawing and quartering of traitors, often followed by theatrical dismemberment and explicit displays of extracted organs; and yet we remain squeamish as modern media draw us into ever closer details of real and culturally constructed fictionalizations of mutilation, torture, natural and man-made disasters, warning us—oddly enough—that “some people”  may be “offended by these “graphic images”: 

(b) horror stories, already approaching Gothic intensity, about the Inquisition’s tortures, were available through Protestant propaganda in England, Holland and elsewhere when anti-Catholic attitudes had to be inflamed; and , though we suffer the indignity of terrorist attacks at home and abroad, on our own bodies and those of our proxies in exotic places, where our captives are “rendered” for “Intense interrogations,” we pretend to be further distanced from our retaliatory strikes—through guided missiles, drone and stealth bombers, and our own proxy armies; and

(c) published accounts of European encounters with “savage” nations in the New Worlds of America, Africa and Asia often contained both graphic verbal descriptions and colorful illustrations of atrocities on both sides, the natives or “Indians” engaged in cannibalistic rites and the Spanish or Portuguese conquerors performing terrible and bloody deeds that constituted the Black Legend of Iberian colonialism; while we play cat and mouse games of evasion and denial, with major news networks refusing to bring to air beheadings and other dismemberment by enemies of our civilization, yet governments are unable to stop private individuals from leaking information and circulating U-tube footage of these events. 

These three points provide the kind of background which scholars are usually willing to accept in discussions of Aphra Behn, taking her unquestioningly, as they do, as an English-born, probably nominal Catholic writer.  The grotesque scenes of Onoonoko sacrificing Imoinda and then being tortured to death by a small contingent of English officers and plantation-owners are thus taken to confirm the somewhat radical views of the author, including a metaphorical re-imagining of what happens to the two royal black slaves as Behn’s critique of the treatment of women in Western Europe at the time.  This seems an acceptable approach, so far as it goes.

Perhaps more insidious than the Black Legend itself, with its attempt to claim that Spanish Catholic conquest was more cruel and vile than English or Dutch Protestant settlement, were two additional iconographical consequences of these efforts to put into word and picture moral aspects of Europe’s encounter with New Worlds.  If anything, however, Aphra Behn is quite explicit in assigning the worst of such colonialist atrocities, first, to the few aberrant Englishmen she and her mother and other “friends” of the Black Prince are incapable of preventing but which, as soon as the news reaches higher authorities, are condemned; and, then, to the Dutch whose cruelties were recognized by the Indians and the slaves.[iii] 

Acceptable as these points may be, however, they do not adequately explain the nature of Behn’s style or themes in this “true history,” with its unsteady juxtapositions and over-lappings of points of view, generic voices, and critical targets.  For the emblematic composition to be more fully understood in her case, we need to see the dark, complex layering as a process of continuous satiric exposure.  Other points seem necessary to explain the narrative and the narrator.  The two additional sources of iconography may be set out, on the one hand, as

(a)    the slandering of each other by propagandists on both sides in the Religious Wars which wracked Europe during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries with images and imagery drawn from reports of cannibalism, mutilation of bodies for punitive and pagan religious spectacles, and warnings of greater reprisals by each side against presumed atrocities committed by the other;

and on the other, as

(b)    a continuation of long-standing anti-Jewish myths of the Blood Libel and the Ritual Murder of Christian children, arguments accompanied by images of rabbis cutting apart the bodies of young boys, the cannibalistic feast of eating matzoh prepared with human blood, and the distorted, self-mutilated bodies of Jewish males—circumcised and bleeding like females, excrementally foul-smelling and with long phallic noses, and grotesque in appearance and deportment.

But having set out these historical sources as possible for Oronooko, we have to add more theoretical, psychohistorical matrices.  For the fantasy of the body falling apart or being dismembered by some outward force does not need a specific political context to make sense.  Such fantasies may arise either

(c)    infantile fears experienced in the womb as a fetus or in the birthing process itself when great pressures of contraction, along with depletion of oxygen and other toxic changes occur, giving to the emergent child a sense of “things falling apart.”

(d)    subsequent childhood or early adolescent anxieties and trauma accompanying violent sexual abuse, real rape or imagined violation based on misplaced medical interference, punitive acts, or foolish acts of play by caregivers or siblings.

There are several key factors which contribute to the prominence of such psychotic features in Early Modern historical events and their fictional or artistic representations.  On the one hand, the breakdown of the feudal structures of the Latin-Christian synthesis during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries did not appear to ordinary people as the glories of Renaissance culture—in startling inventions, like the principles of perspectival drawing or the efficient distribution and analysis of information through the  printing press, or in grand works of architecture, classical painting, and expressive musical forms—but rather as painful and humiliating disjunctures in social life, breakdown of domestic order, and political persecutions. 

Particularly exacerbating were the concomitants of changes to childrearing practice, whereby instead of abandonment or neglect of children, parents now intruded increasingly into the lives of their minor sons and daughters, partly to ensure discipline and loyalty where events outside caused almost daily confusion and disruption, partly to instill religious values which could no longer be assumed to either inhere in the baptized infant’s mind when it matured or to be strong enough to resist external pressures from competing value systems, and also, though hardly least, as a relief from personal anxieties through the inflicting of pain and the gratification of sadistic sexual urges.  Infants brought up in such conditions continued to react in two ways: at the same time as the increase of parental interference and abuse caused traumatic problems that would be inflicted in turn on subsequent generations, the parenting mode of intrusion led to more and more concern for the health and safety of children, thus gradually, and with many halts and hesitations, as well as temporary reversals, towards softer attitudes and greater and more sustained loving attitudes. 

The clash between the kinds of personalities created by earlier forms of crude and cruel childrearing practices and those of more modern caring and protective modes may be seen in the climactic scenes of Oronooko when different groups form about the response to the horrid spectacle of Imoinda’s sacrifice and the torture of the Black Prince by the insensitive gang of European settlers.



[i] Anthony David (Tony) Stroobant, The Wandering Jew as a Synecdoche of anti-Jewish Construction: A Psychoanalytic Perspective (Auckland: PhD Thesis, University of Auckland, 2006) p 73.  Stroobant cites the following authorities for this consolidated view: A. Nicolson, Power and Glory: Jacobean England and the Making of the King James Bible (London: HarperCollins, 2003); N.J. Vickers, “Members Only: Marot’s Anatomical Blazons” in D. Hillman and C. Mazzio, eds., The Body in Parts: Fantasies of Corporeality in Early Modern Europe (New York, Routledge, 1997) pp. 3-21; Hillman and Mazzio, “Introduction: Individual Parts” in The Body in Parts, pp. xi-xxix.

[ii] While this is a term commonly used by Lloyd deMaus and other psychohistorians, it is a variant on what Freud called the “ghosts from the past as well as goblins from the present” who inhabit our minds; cf. Stroobant, The Wandering Jew, p. 106.  Psychohistorians argue that some of these more grotesque alters are projected out on to real people who act as either scapegoats or poison containers for the discomforts, anxieties, repressed desires and fears of the disturbed and abused souls who have the power to act out their fantasies in the social and political world.

[iii] On the other woman who came to Surinam and witnessed such cruelties, see my “When Millennialism Fails: Cruelty to Slaves at Providence Plantation” Clio’s Psyche 9:2 (2002) 99-100, as well as  “Maria Sibylla Merian in the Cocoon: Childhood Confusions: Part 1”  and  “Maria Sibylla Merian: Crises in Spirit, Intellect and Marriage: Part 2”  Iakov Levi, ed. Psychohistory online at  (July 20, 2009 )

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